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BEYOND THE BEND: Why the Bangsamoro parliamentary election can no longer be delayed

Column Titles mindaviews beyond the bend Michael Henry Yusingco, LL.M.

MELBOURNE, Australia (MindaNews / 17 June) — The Bangsamoro parliamentary election must push through in October 2025. The right to self-determination should not be treated as just a political slogan used by those in power. To be real, it must be manifested by the people themselves. Let’s be clear: a parliament that is elected by the people is essential for true autonomy. The 1987 Constitution guarantees regional autonomy for the Bangsamoro. But that means nothing if the people are not allowed to elect their own leaders.

Sadly, there has been talk again about postponing the election. If this happens, it will be the third time. That would be unacceptable. Every delay weakens the promise of self-determination. If the appointed Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) gets another extension, the idea of Bangsamoro self-rule is trending towards being hollow and meaningless. The Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) will still be waiting for that “new dawn”.

Selfishly, some of us outside of the BARMM want the parliamentary election to push through because the Bangsamoro Parliament can be the proof of concept to justify shifting to a parliamentary system from our current presidential system. This matter has been debated about for years now. But the merits of the discussion itself have been overshadowed by distrust for constitutional revision. Closely scrutinizing an actual operating parliament can overcome any apprehension to this colossal change.

At its core, a parliamentary system reinforces the link between the electorate and the governing leadership. For citizens, this can mean clearer choices and more substantive electoral debates. Voters are not choosing between personalities, but between ideas and policy visions. In this way, self-determination becomes not just about participation in elections, but about being able to significantly influence the formulation of policies and programs.

Unfortunately, our presidential system is severely undermined by winner-take-all politics. And worse, every six years, the country is effectively reset, with each new administration treating the previous one’s policies as disposable. This produces a stop-start quality in governance, undermining long-term development and institutional continuity. Presidents are forced to rely on short-term populism or transactional politics to survive, particularly when facing a hostile or co-opted legislature.

A parliamentary system could alleviate many of these problems because it offers structural advantages that can deepen the people’s right to self-determination. Its emphasis on accountability, responsiveness, and ideological clarity provides fertile ground for participatory democracy. If Filipinos are to fully exercise their sovereign right to shape their future, the design of government must make their voice central—not just every few years at the polls, but every day in the workings of the state.

However, the connection between parliamentary governance and self-determination is not automatic. If the system is captured by political dynasties or weakened by corrupt practices, the potential for democratic empowerment is lost. Therefore, a shift to a parliamentary model must be accompanied by robust electoral reforms, genuine party development, and measures to curb elite domination. The system must be designed to reflect the will of the people—not merely to accommodate power-sharing among entrenched interests.

Thus, any serious consideration of parliamentary shift must be part of a broader reform package. This includes banning or at least severely restricting political dynasties, instituting campaign finance reforms, and overhauling political party laws to enforce ideological consistency and discipline. If this massive reform is rushed or poorly designed, then it may simply deepen existing inequalities. Which brings us back to the Bangsamoro parliamentary election in October.

Crucially, the anxieties over this fundamental change can be addressed by observing the elected Bangsamoro Parliament. The Bangsamoro Organic Law and pertinent regional legislations enacted by the BTA endeavour to ensure the latter reflects true parliamentary values in both ethos and operation. Remember that the intended design of the Bangsamoro Parliament is to manifest Bangsamoro self-determination. Hopefully, it can also signal to the rest of the Philippines if the shift to a parliamentary system of government is indeed worth pursuing.

(MindaViews is the opinion section of MindaNews. Michael Yusingco is a Law lecturer, constitutionalist, and Senior Research Fellow at the Ateneo Policy Center.

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